The Israeli National Fraud Unit and the Tax Authority began a joint undercover investigation into the ring several months ago. In 2009, several countries contacted Israel to request an investigation into organ trafficking on its territory after the discovery of an organ trafficking victim in Kosovo who implicated Israeli citizens. European authorities investigating the Kosovo “Medicus” organ trafficking case provided the names of Israeli suspects they uncovered.

According to the Israeli police, the ten traffickers recruited poor day workers in Israel, and sent them to Kosovo and Azerbaijan where their kidneys were removed. The victims were promised US$10,000 per kidney, but the police believe few received any payment. Organ recipients paid between US$100,000 and US$150,000 per kidney. The traffickers did not inform the “donors” about the risks of surgery and kidney removal, and failed to provide them with medical care after the surgery.

In Israel, the victims were mostly young Turkish men, while the ring also recruited poor people from Russia, Moldova and Kazakhstan. Israeli police believe the transplant operations may have also been performed in an undisclosed third country in Asia. The investigation is still underway.

The suspects are scheduled to appear at the Rishon Lezion Magistrate court in Jerusalem on Wednesday morning.

http://www.reportingproject.net/occrp/index.php/en/ccwatch/cc-watch-briefs/1515-israel-ten-arrested-in-organ-trafficking-bust

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Publisher, The California Courier

I have been informed by reliable sources that Turkey’s Foreign Minister Ahmet Davutoglu is continuing his efforts to initiate a personal ‘dialog’ with the Diaspora on Armenian-Turkish issues. Earlier this month, Davutoglu met with Armenian-Americans, as follow up to the meetings he held in Washington last March.

During their conversation in May, the Armenian interlocutors frankly advised the Turkish Foreign Minister that Ankara must address Armenian demands for genocide recognition and restitution before any ‘reconciliation’ could be achieved. The Turkish side reportedly indicated a willingness to discuss these thorny issues with Diasporan representatives.

Despite the seeming openness of Foreign Minister Davutoglu, Armenians have well-founded reasons to mistrust such overtures, given Turkey’s decades-long denial of the Armenian Genocide and its antagonistic policies toward the Diaspora, Armenia and Artsakh. Armenians also suspect that Turkish officials may exploit meetings with the Diaspora to score propaganda points with world public opinion.

Nonetheless, one wonders why the very busy Turkish Foreign Minister has invested so much of his precious time and effort to hold a series of private meetings with Armenians in recent weeks.

One possible explanation is that Turkish leaders are seriously concerned about the upcoming 100th anniversary of the Armenian Genocide. Ankara may have realized that unless it took proactive measures, it could not stem the tide of anti-Turkish publicity generated in 2015 by Armenian commemorative activities worldwide.

The second likely reason why the Turkish government may want to talk with Diaspora Armenians is its long-standing interest in joining the European Union. As the newly-elected French President Francois Hollande warned, unless Turkey recognizes the Armenian Genocide, France will reject its application for EU membership.

The third possible explanation for the Turkish overtures is that Prime Minister Rejeb Erdogan has a freer hand in tackling Armenian-Turkish issues at a time when his ruling party controls the Parliament and many of his hard-line military adversaries are under arrest.

Regardless of why Turkey is reaching out to the Diaspora at this time, Armenians have to make their decisions based solely on their own national interest, as to whether this is an opportune moment to test Turkey’s resolve to deal with the disastrous consequences of the Armenian Genocide.

However, before Diaspora’s leaders react to Davutoglu’s persistent efforts for ‘dialog,’ they should ask Turkish officials to clarify their true intentions by making some positive gestures, starting with the return of the Holy Cross Church on Akhtamar Island to the Armenian Patriarchate of Turkey. This historic church is currently designated as a museum belonging to the Turkish Ministry of Culture and Tourism. Furthermore, the Turkish government has to do much more than renovating a couple of churches for touristic purposes and returning a handful of properties to the Armenian community in Istanbul. There are thousands of confiscated churches and community properties throughout Turkey that must be returned to their rightful Armenian owners.

An initial test of Turkish sincerity in pursuing ‘reconciliation’ with Armenians would be putting an immediate halt to genocide denial, eliminating Article 301 of the Turkish Penal Code, and ending all adversarial behavior toward Armenia and Artsakh.

In view of the fact that the Turkish government will not willingly and unconditionally meet Armenian demands, and that all outstanding issues would have to be resolved someday through direct negotiations, Diasporan organizational leaders should prepare for such an eventuality. In this regard, it is important to review the records of the 1977 meeting in Zurich, Switzerland, between Turkish Foreign Minister Sabri Caglayangil and representatives of the three Armenian political parties.

Here are some preliminary thoughts to consider before any further meetings or discussions are held between Turkish leaders and Diaspora representatives:

1. In the absence of an elected Diasporan representative body, major Armenian organizations, with assistance from experts in diplomacy and the art of negotiation, should start drafting a common strategy and a list of demands from Turkey. No Armenian organization or individual should be involved in separate negotiations with Turkey, to deny Ankara the opportunity to create disunity in the Diaspora.

2. It is imperative that Diasporan representatives coordinate their negotiating positions with leaders in Armenia and Artsakh to assure a common stand vis-à-vis Turkey.

In normal circumstances, Turkish diplomats would have dealt with Armenian issues in direct negotiations with their counterparts in Armenia. However, given Azerbaijan’s obstruction of the Armenia-Turkey Protocols, pending the resolution of the Karabagh(Artsakh) conflict, Turkish leaders are left with no choice but to reach out to the Diaspora and address its legitimate demands.

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The conference, focusing on different aspects of reporting on corruption and crime, will be inaugurated by Moldovan Prime Minister Vlad Filat. The opening ceremony will also include: SEEMO Secretary General Oliver Vujovic; CIRCOM Regional Training Project Manager Karol Cioma; Boris Bergant from the European Broadcasting Union-Special Assistance Project (EBU-SAP); Alina Radu, director of Ziarul de Garda; Gerhard Schaumberger, from the Austrian Development Agency; and Claudio Cappon, vice-president of the EBU.

Renowned international speakers, experts in investigative reporting, will cover a series of topics, including technology and advanced investigative techniques in the coverage of corruption and organised crime, as well as editorial policies on investigations into crime and corruption.

Paul Christian Radu, executive director of the Organized Crime and Corruption Reporting Project from Bucharest, Romania, will hold a panel on technology and advanced investigative techniques related to reporting on corruption and organised crime. Tony O’ Schaughnessy, an experienced international journalist and trainer, who served as a Current Affairs Series Editor for the BBC and is currently involved with CIRCOM’s video journalism and documentary courses, will focus on “Approaching investigative journalism within a current affairs program series-the editorial decisions to be made.” Marek Wollner, head and host of the investigative program Reporteri CT, broadcast by the Pubic RTV in Czech Republic, will hold a panel on investigative reporting on public television. Finally, Blaz Zgaga, a freelance reporter from Slovenia and a co-author of the three-part investigative trilogy, “In the Name of the State”, focusing on arms smuggling during the 1990s Balkan conflicts, will speak about his investigation.

More than 100 national and international journalists are expected to attend.

The III South, East and Central Europe Investigative Journalism Days will be inaugurated at 18.00 on May 23, 2012, in the Codru Conference Halls, Chisinau, Moldova.

The I South, East and Central Europe Investigative Journalism Days took place in Budva, Montenegro (2010), and the second in Belgrade, Serbia (2011).

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This is the general picture I get when visiting Armenia’s rural communities. Village residents have nothing but complaints to tell the reporter who stumbles into their realm. Turn on the tape recorder, however, and their tune changes – What hardships? What frustration?

Go to the village of Voskehat, in Armavir Marz, and you’re greeted with the same picture.

But the village has one proud boast under its belt – it’s where Catholicos Garegin II was born and where his brother Gevorg Nersisyan serves as mayor.

The village has its host of problems ranging from a dilapidated irrigation system to a school in need of urgent repair. Mayor Nersisyan’s answer is that the community just doesn’t have the resources to tackle these problems.

When we stopped to converse with some residents in the street, they all agreed that conditions in the village could improve if only the Catholicos and his brother would utilize their connections towards the development of Voskehat.

Mayor Nersisyan told us that his brother doesn’t like to intervene or call in favors. The mayor confessed that being the brother of the head of the Armenian Apostolic Church doesn’t automatically translate into any practical advantages.

“The Catholicos views all villages and their residents as equals. I petition him on certain issues and if he can, he helps out. For example, I contacted him about paving the road to the school. He tells me to get in touch with him about any problems we might have and I do,” noted Mayor Nersisyan, who had difficulty pointing to even one problem that was solved through the auspices of the Catholicos.

Nersisyan told me that his brother visits the village only occasionally and rarely gets involved in community matters. The Catholicos owns a private residence in Voskehat with walls that are several meters high.

Voskehat has a population of 3,400 that mostly engage in animal husbandry and farming. The irrigation water problem restricts any development of these sectors. Presently, the water is pumped from 19 deep wells and then directed to the fields. If the electricity is cut and the water stops flowing, the fields dry up.

Mayor Nersisyan said that 1.5 kilometers of pipe was laid as part of the Millennium Challenge program at a cost of 20 million AMD. The community covered 15% of the cost. He says there are tens of kilometers of pipe that need to be repaired.

70 hectares of the community 630 hectares of arable land aren’t cultivated. Again, it’s due to the water problem. Then too, only the moderately well off can afford to engage in agriculture.

Mayor Nersisyan said that it costs 60,000 AMD just to till and plant one hectare of land. Add in the costs of fertilizers, pesticides and seed and the whole affair is beyond the scope of most residents.

He told me that the apricot trees never bloomed this year due to the early season temperature changes.

The budget for Voskehat is a tad over 30 million AMD; just enough to pay municipal employees, keep the kindergarten open, and launch a few projects.

This year, Voskehat plans to kick in 3 million towards a 30 million central heating project for the municipal building.

The community has a cultural center which rarely is used as intended.

Ishkhan Muradyan, who worked as a film projectionist in the village, says that nothing is being done to organize arts and crafts, dance, music and other classes to keep young people engaged and active.

“Why was the center renovated if it isn’t to be used,” asked Muradyan.

Mayor Nersisyan told me that the center was renovated by the Social Investment Fund at a cost of 75 million AMD.

Voskehat chipped in 10% from its municipal budget.

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